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THAILAND'S politics is again attracting the interest of the international community, with the very survival of Thai democracy increasingly brought into question.mini storage There is seemingly no end in sight to Thai political brinksmanship, and the opposition Democrat Party - which retains the support of much of the old-guard establishment - stands by its decision to boycott the general election, scheduled for Feb 2 next year.Despite the Puea Thai government's determination to ensure that the election will still take place, whether or not the vote can be held remains in question. The People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) - a coalition of Democrat members and anti-government protesters - remains adamant that the current democratic arrangement be suspended and that an unelected "People's Council" assume the role of running the country.The PDRC has already tried, albeit in vain, to disrupt the electoral process by preventing candidates of political parties from entering the venue for party-list registration in Bangkok. They also plan to disrupt the constituency-based registration across the country when the process begins today. They continue to insist that the networks of patronage relating to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra be dismantled before any election is held.However, a historical and deeply embedded patronage system continues to permeate Thai society at all levels. It is, therefore, impossible to separate this factor from the corruption that so strongly informs the political character of Thailand today.Corruption undoubtedly predates any notion of democracy in the country. Yet, there is now a general tendency for Thais to assume that corruption and patronage are a consequence of the existing electoral system. For many Thais, therefore, the integrity of the existing election process remains questionable. And this in turn provides a pretext for those who would attempt to undermine the democratic mandate of the current government.It is regularly contended that were it not for the inordinate power of key political figures such as Thaksin, Thailand would be able to move forward. But is it realistic that corruption in Thailand - disappointingly ranked 102 out of 177 nations on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 - can be effectively remediated through non-democratic means?The last decade has been a difficult one for Thai democracy. There was a coup in 2006, a constitutional redrafting in 2007, and a series of public protests and crackdowns. Throughout this period, it has been the long disregarded and disaffected majority of Thais from the provinces who have, relatively speaking, retained the most confidence in Thailand's democratic forms.It is these rural poor who have, to an increasing degree, come to view what passes for democracy as something that can at least begin to respond to their legitimate claims for increased recognition.Significantly, these are the voters who were historically ignored by an indifferent political elite ensconced primarily in Bangkok. Any significant and tangible response to the situation of the rural poor should understandably be expected to attract a certain loyalty.This i迷你倉 the context that has provided the recent Thaksin-inspired populist governments with the opportunity to retain a plausible legitimacy and an enduring appeal with the majority of Thais. Accordingly, fresh elections will likely result in another clear endorsement of the Puea Thai party, led by Thaksin's sister Yingluck Shinawatra.The now highly Thaksin-phobic protesters appear to be aware of this to some extent. Nevertheless, they are prepared to endorse almost any contrivance or ostensible rationale to undermine the established tenets of democracy and representation, in order to see a swift end to the influence of the Shinawatra family in Thai politics.Ultimately, Thailand's broad societal impasse may demonstrate to the world that its outward show of advancing representative democracy was merely a pretence. The country's assumed status as a democratic standard-bearer for mainland South-east Asia may soon be over as well.An anonymous onlooker from undemocratic Laos (living close to the Thai border in Savannakhet province) voiced her concern: "I am not sure about democracy because I can see a lot of problems in Thailand from Thai TV. One day "red shirts" (pro-Thaksin supporters), and another day some others come out on the street. So I don't think democracy is good for Laos."Much of the international community - including the United States and the European Union - has been focusing on a number of specific issues. These include the right to protest, the weakening of voting rights, and the likely impact on foreign investments. Moreover, many foreigners are evidently concerned about how the issue may affect economic prospects throughout the wider region. The recent crisis has coincided with a close to four-year low for the Thai baht against most of the major international currencies.Although vote-buying still persists as a result of the deep-rooted influence of patronage, it is no longer as decisive a factor in electoral outcomes as it used to be.Rather, voters have increasingly come to value the importance of holding politicians to account in relation to policy delivery. Farmer Nu Keawmanee, from Ubon Ratchathani province, said: "I like the 30-baht health-care policy because it really helps poor people. So, I want a government that has policies to meet the demands of rural people like me."She was referring to the universal health-care programme introduced by the Thaksin government in 2002.In their desperate desire to put an end to Thaksin's influence, his opponents continue to discount the broader reality when making their case. The fact is that the misdeeds of any Thai government have always reflected the inherently anti-democratic patronage system.This is a historical injustice, which remains largely in place today. It enables those from within the Thai political and business elite to maintain their privileged positions. The failure to deal with this central issue, and instead remain preoccupied with the political fortunes of one man, is to distract attention from a perennial problem of critical importance.stopinion@sph.com.sgThe writer is a political scientist at the Faculty of Political Science, Ubon Ratchathani University, Thailand.文件倉